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«Editor Ruchita Beri Associate Editor Princy George Editorial Team Babjee Pothuraju Keerthi S Kumar Saurabh Mishra Africa Trends Volume 1, Number 2, ...»

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According to Daniel C. Bach, Guenther Roth argued for two forms of patrimonial dominance— the surviving forms of traditional patrimonialism and the detraditionalised forms of patrimonialism. The latter was ‘inextricably linked with material incitements and rewards’ rather than bonds of kinship, family and clan. Shmuel Eisenstadt added the prefix neo to clear the ambiguities in the “distinction between modern ‘traditional’ and ‘post-traditional’ regimes”. He used neopatrimonialism as a hybrid model type to explain the new “power systems in the ‘posttraditional’ societies of Latin America, South Asia and the Middle East”. Bach points out that Africa was absent from Eisenstadt’s list and concern and describes how the neopatrimonial state has become the archetype of the African anti-development state. Though Africa has accepted rational democratic ideals in theory, the society and the political culture in general is far from rational in practice. He distinguishes Latin America, South-East Asia and Russia from Africa as patrimonialism in those regions has been counterbalanced by the ongoing lexicological adjustments in the discourse on the regulated and predatory forms of patrimonialisms.

Daniel Capagnon, states that a “comparative study of African neopatrimonialism would not have been complete without an analysis of the political leaders’ specific role and leadership styles”.

He attempts to present a model of the strategies of conquest and preservation of political power by the political entrepreneur in neopatrimonial regimes in different regions. There are patterns of the political entrepreneur using the wealth acquired through corruption and business and

Africa Trends Volume 1, Number 2, March-April 2012

disbursing it to gain loyalties beyond kinship. “The supreme political entrepreneur is constantly obliged to extract new resources from his society in order to regulate political competition” and each political leader has to craft his own personal system of domination and resource accumulation.

Jean-Francois Medard narrates and analyses the neopatrimonial power system and the way it functioned for the ‘big man’ of Kenya, Charles Njonjo. Mamoudou Gazibo also seeks to answer the most pertinent question related to the subject: Can neopatrimonialism dissolve into democracy?

At the theoretical level, “neopatrimonialism and democracy are obviously based on antithetical logical bases and are, at first glance, incompatible” and mutually exclusive. But, his identification of patrimonial practices at a historical level as the political norm rather than an aberration illustrates the notion of the “solubility of neopatrimonialism in democracy”.

Alice Sindzingre interprets neopatrimonialism within the dimensions of development economics.

She shows how the concept has helped to explain the underperformance of several developing countries. She recognises that “neopatrimonialism refers to composite processes and phenomena that are simultaneously ‘public’ and ‘private’, political and economic, individual and social, ‘old’ and ‘new’.” Nicolas van de Walle focuses on “what happens to the political clientelism following the democratisation of neopatrimonial regimes”. He distinguishes between different types of clientelism based on the ‘regime type’ and the ‘level of economic development’. He argues that neopatrimonialism and democracy are incompatible and clientelism will not disappear since it has become a ubiquitous trait of the modern state.

The chapter by Morten Boas and Kathleen M. Jennings discusses rebellion and ‘warlordism’ as aspects of neopatrimonialism by using examples from the rebellion in the Niger Delta and Sierra Leone. Chris Albin-Lackey and Mahaman Tidjani Alou deal with the phenomenon of ‘godfatherism’ in Nigeria and the status of the politicians, customs officials and traders in the Niger as neopatrimonial agents who bypass the state and render it impotent.

Dominique Caouette, Yves-Andre-Faure, Alisher Ikhamov, Mauro Barisione and Daniel Bourmaud use case studies from different regions in order to prove the ubiquitous nature of neopatrimonialism which is present as caciquismo in the Philippines, Jeitinho in contemporary Brazil, factionalism and patronage in post-Soviet Uzbekistan and Berlusconismo as a case of ‘hybrid neopatrimonialism’ because of the systemic and cultural specificities of the Italian context.

Bourmaud highlights the importance of clientelism and patrimonialism in international relations as a source of power as in the case of France’s African policy.

The book is a departure from the general stereotypical understanding of neopatrimonialism as confined only in Africa, and is a leveler that highlights the neopatrimonialism that exists beyond Africa. The book goes deep into the theory of neopatrimonialism and then uses examples from different regions to validate its postulations. The authors have diligently researched and explained neopatrimonialism in their respective areas and the book is a must for understanding neopatrimonial rule in the contemporary world.

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Russia and Algeria hold consultations on Syria; Algeria and UAE discuss judicial cooperation; EU deploys Election Observation Mission to Algeria; Algeria and US discuss terrorism and regional issues; Mozambique and Algeria agree to cooperate on hydrocarbons; Pakistan plans to import LNG from Algeria; Algeria and Tunisia to strengthen security cooperation Russian President Dmitri Medvedev’s Middle East envoy Mikhail Bogdanov visited Algeria to discuss “joint steps” with its Foreign Minister Mourad Medelci on the crisis in Syria as Algeria remains one of the few Arab countries that still has strong ties with the Assad regime. Separately, the Arab League has urged an international investigation into the Syrian crisis, but avoided calling on President Bashar al-Assad to step down.1 During his meeting with Shaikh Mohammad Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Vice-President and Prime Minister of the UAE and Ruler of Dubai, Algerian Justice Minister Tayib Belaiz discussed bilateral cooperation between the UAE and Algeria, especially with regard to bilateral cooperation agreements between both countries.2 Later, Dr. Hadef Jowan Al Dhahiri, UAE’s Minister of Justice, said that they were keen to boost programmes and projects of mutual cooperation to broader horizons through exchanging expertise and developmental projects which are aimed at boosting justice systems, judicial and legal services and integration of working systems.3 An EU Election Observation Mission is being deployed in Algeria at the invitation of the Algerian government to observe the parliamentary elections due to take place on May 10, 2012. The mission includes more than 120 observers, who will be deployed across the country and cover all stages of the electoral process, thus “contributing to transparency and confidence in the elections”.4 Algeria’s African Affairs Minister Abdelkader Messahel met with General Carter Ham, head of US military operations in Africa, and Johnnie Carson, US Assistant Secretary of State for African “Russian envoy in Algeria for consultations on Syria”, Ahram Online, March 25, 2012, at http:// english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/2/8/37654/World/Region/Russian-envoy-in-Algeria-for-consultations-onSyri.aspx “Shaikh Mohammad receives visiting Algerian minister”, Gulf News, March 27, 2012, at http://gulfnews.com/ news/gulf/uae/government/shaikh-mohammad-receives-visiting-algerian-minister-1.1000396 “Minister of Justice and Algerian counterpart discuss judicial cooperation”, WAM, March 27, 2012, at http:// www.wam.ae/servlet/Satellite?c=WamLocEnews&cid=1289998242377 &pagename=WAM%2FWAM_E_Layout&parent=Query&parentid=1135099399852 “EU deploys election observation mission to Algeria”, ENPI Info Centre, March 30, 2012, at http://enpi-info.eu/ mainmed.php?id=28513&id_type=1&lang_id=450 Africa Trends Volume 1, Number 2, March-April 2012 Affairs, to discuss issues including the fight against terrorism, the situation in coup-stricken Mali, and also Libya, Somalia and Sudan. During the meeting, the officials stressed the importance of bilateral cooperation. Earlier, Algeria had condemned the Mali coup and expressed “deep worries” over the situation in its neighbouring nation.5 Mozambique and Algeria agreed to reactivate their cooperation in the area of hydrocarbons, as announced by the Minister of Mineral Resources, Esperanca Bias, after his meeting with the Algerian Minister of Energy and Mines, Youcef Yousfi. Mozambique is interested in producing liquefied natural gas (LNG), an area in which Algeria has a great deal of experience. Therefore, the areas in which Algeria could provide advice included monitoring and negotiations with hydrocarbon companies. The visit is also aimed at strengthening the cooperation between the two countries in energy and other areas of common interest.6 Quoting Algerian Trade Minister Mustapha Benbada, APS news agency said Pakistan is seeking to start liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports from Algeria; a plan to build a re-gasification terminal in Karachi was discussed with the North African country during a meeting of a joint commission on bilateral trade ties. It is expected to cost around US$ 1.5 billion.7 Algeria and Tunisia wrapped up the 16th meeting of the Algerian-Tunisian Monitoring Committee in Algiers with a focus on strengthening cooperation between the two Maghreb countries in a number of areas, with a particular emphasis on Sahel security. Other discussions during the conference focused on additional partnerships in tourism, small and medium enterprises, industry, agriculture, health and vocational training.8 EGYPT Egypt vows to strengthen ties with Tanzania; Egypt keen to establish ‘Golden Triangle’ with Sudan, Libya; Egypt and Turkey discuss maritime agreement; Israel, Egypt talks over embassy, prisoner exchange; US grants US$ 1.3 billion aid to Egypt; Egypt launches operation in Sinai; Egypt accuses UK over frozen assets; Egypt offers mediation for SudanSouth crisis Egypt’s Ambassador to Tanzania, Hossam Moharam, stated that healthcare would form the significant part of Egypt’s assistance to Tanzania. In return, the Tanzanian Minister for Health and Social Welfare, Dr Hadji Mponda, assured him of the government’s commitment to strengthening of bilateral relationship and how it valued it. Earlier, the two countries signed a Joint Permanent Commission (JPC) pact and have sent a team of doctors to provide health services in the country to be followed by medical investment in dispensaries and hospitals.9 “Algeria, US talks on Mali, attacks”, AFP, April 4, 2012, at http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ ALeqM5i2zC-dqAXhahLIThpxwQyBSHuAlQ?docId=CNG.a0a01accf5b674c7f971ad0bbf018150.b51 “Mozambique: Country and Algeria to Cooperate on Hydrocarbons”, AllAfrica, April 16, 2012, at http:// allafrica.com/stories/201204161556.html “Pakistan plans LNG imports from Algeria”, Reuters, April 18, 2012, at http://af.reuters.com/article/ investingNews/idAFJOE83H00Q20120418?feedType=RSS&feedName=investingNews&sp=true “Algeria, Tunisia strengthen unity”, Magharebia, April 19, 2012, at http://www.magharebia.com/cocoon/awi/ xhtml1/en_GB/features/awi/features/2012/04/19/feature-02 “Tanzania: Egypt, Nation Vow to Strengthen Ties”, AllAfrica, March 6, 2012, at http://allafrica.com/stories/ 201203061040.html Africa Trends Volume 1, Number 2, March-April 2012 Speaking during a meeting with Sudanese State Minister, Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohamed Kamel Amr affirmed Egypt’s keenness to finding out the potentials of cooperation with Sudan and Libya through achieving integration using natural and human resources of the three countries in the framework of the so-called “Triangle Project”. The two ministers also discussed the developments related to establishing joint farms projects to be extended on wide areas to achieve the goal of food security for the two peoples. Meanwhile, the Sudanese minister briefed on the latest developments in the Sudan as he presented a full report on the situation in the country, the formation of the new government, peace agreement and relations with South Sudan, and stability in Darfur.10 Turkish Ambassador Huseyin Avni Botsali said that Turkey and Egypt would soon conclude a historic maritime agreement to facilitate transportation between Eurasia and Africa via Egypt.

When signed, the RoRo Agreement will constitute a strategic bridge between continents across Egypt. He added that Turkey has every intention of continuing with and diversifying its partnership with Egypt in the form of direct investments and joint ventures.11 An Israeli delegation of senior officials, including high ranking officials from the foreign ministry and the security establishment, held negotiations with senior Egyptian officials in Cairo on the issue of locating a new embassy building. The discussions also included a possible prisoner exchange that would free an Israeli citizen, Ouda Tarabin, who has been in an Egyptian prison for the past 12 years, in exchange for the release of 63 Egyptian prisoners.12 Just after the United States decided to keep sending US$ 1.3 billion in annual aid to the Egyptian military, a new poll shows that most Egyptians do not want their country to receive American financial assistance. Pollsters say Egyptians suspect that taking money from foreigners will end up impinging on their nation’s sovereignty.13 Egypt announced that it was launching an operation in the Sinai Peninsula aimed at restoring the state’s security control in the region, which has been overrun by terrorist and extremist elements.

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