«Comparative Study and ‘Outcome and Impact’ Analysis of Six Vocational Training Projects in West Africa Synthesis report based on six case ...»
The improved economic situation of a woman, as said above, may lead to improved status in the community, but not in all cases. Women working in palm oil extraction accomplish a very hard and dirty work and earn an income well above the level of other “female” trades. They said ‘people may not respect us when they see us working but we do not care as long as we have a good income’. They also said ‘what matters most for us is sending our children to school’. Cases showed that women who earn their own income
• can achieve a higher level of independence and have a better chance to influence financial decisions in the family
• were able to advance their education and thus gain a higher status in the family and among peers in the community Projects have, except for a few examples, not succeeded in integrating women in “mendominated trades” and do far too little to identify new market opportunities for women.
Examples of success cases:
• A female tractor mechanic in a village close to Ganye who is very proud to work in a typical “men’s trade” and is respected in the community
• The first female owner of a business centre in Ganye town (both cases YOWDAST)
• A reported case of a female auto mechanic employed in a garage in Jos (MTS), women trainees in automotive repair who took part in skills competition in public
• A female went to learn tailoring and was encouraged to join masonry. She utilises this skill working with a team of 4, including 3 male colleagues in Gbarnga, Liberia.
• A female graduate, observed by the consultants in Bo, Sierra Leone, working on an electrical line, employed by the Kenema Bo Power Supply. Other electricity female graduates are also on standby for possible employment The educational level, but even more the personality of the young women, plays an important role. In the case of OICG, many of the women dropped out of school and are still of young age. Some are not serious about the training, others do not feel strong enough to take up the risk of establishing a business. In the case of OICG, life skill sessions touch gender issues.
Positive effects are the sensitisation of men and women on reproductive health issues (but more women then men stated this as a benefit). Women highlighted that they can better protect themselves from unwanted pregnancies.
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No information was obtained on the impact on gender roles on male graduates. This area needs to be studied further. Independent from the project interventions, resource persons
reported about the social changes in communities that affect young men and their families:
• Increasing mobility, young men moving away from home without consensus of parents
• Young men being involved in crime and violent acts as a result of economic marginalisation/ underemployment,
• Young men migrating and leaving behind women with children.
There are cases where young males became positive role models in their communities.
Graduates of the apprenticeship schemes were proud of having learned a skill and being accepted in the community. For males vocational skills training can have an important impact on their personality development, provided they find a job and/or income in their trade.
The potential impact on migration is discussed below. Men are more mobile in the search for jobs but also women migrate (examples from Ghana). The latter may be an unintended impact on gender roles (hypothesis).
3.6.5 Unexpected and unintended impacts Impacts on migration
The validity of the findings of the tracer study is limited as only those who were reached could be interviewed. In some cases, the results are contradictory. In the case of YOWDAST, the vast majority of graduates say they are living in the place of training but at the same time 60 respondents say moving to another place has helped to generate income.
In the case of SLOIC, it was found that mostly men and especially masons migrate to cities for contract work. The results of the tracer study on money sent back to families is not valid, as the question was mostly answered by people who have not migrated. It became obvious through FGD and interviews with resource persons that migrants often face hard competition for jobs in the cities. Furthermore, life in the city is more expensive. The consultants heard of
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cases where graduates found a decently paid job (e.g. MTS and VFT supported VTI graduates who work as secretaries) but no precise information was available to what extent their families in the village actually benefit from the income they earn. If the earned income does not cover basic needs, it is assumed that home communities’ benefit is marginal (hypothesis).
Risk of market saturation and market distortion especially in rural areas If too many people are trained in one trade in the same location, either through a rural training centre (example Mattru Jong (S.L.) and Sinje (Liberia) or rural apprenticeship
schemes (YOWDAST), markets can quickly saturate. The impacts may be negative, e.g.:
• Prices for specific services and products drop • Income of existing businesses declines • Graduates have to migrate Impact on peace building and conflict prevention Because of the short time span and the complexity of this topic it was beyond the means of the team to assess the impact on conflict and (re-)integration in greater depth.22 Both SLOIC and LOIC have been training ex-combatants and contributed to their reintegration. In the case of SLOIC, the last ex-combatant graduated before 2006, in LOIC in
2007. In the case of SLOIC, reports were given in earlier evaluations that ex-combatants have changed their behaviour, gained self esteem through the training and esteem within the community (statements not verified by the team). Earlier case studies of one of the consultants in the region (including case studies of SLOIC and LOIC) showed both, positive effects and failures. LOIC’s attempts to reintegrate ex-combatants and to resettle war-affected youth during the years of conflict (1999 - 2005) have repeatedly failed because of re-recruitments through armed fractions and repeated displacements. Since the end of armed conflict, the conditions have improved significantly, which facilitated the return of many ex-combatants and IDPs to peaceful life. It is assumed that skills training has contributed to the resettlement, but the work of many NGOs in the fields of trauma healing, reconciliation and community rehabilitation have an equal share in the success. Case studies conducted by other actors in both countries showed that those combatants that were engaged in atrocities did often not return to their rural home villages out of fear of revenge but instead opted to settle in the cities.
In the case of YOWDAST, it was reported that youth in the villages are less idling and the rate of petty crime has been reduced. It was also reported that migration of unskilled men from rural villages in the project region to the South East of Nigeria, a region known for unrest and high levels of crime, has become less. These statements were made by different persons interviewed but no means were available to verify the statements.
For further reading on this topic see “case studies, promoting livelihood and employment in post conflict”, EED/FAKT and the resource CD of this project containing studies of other actors.
Other unintended impacts Apprenticeship schemes interfere with traditional systems of apprenticeship as practiced since hundreds of years. In some cases, master trainers stopped recruiting other regular ap-prentices because the fees they get paid by the project are a secure income. In other cases, masters consider training to be a profitable business, but mostly without influence of the project (most of their trainees are not financed by the project). To what extent the projects have changed the practice of charging fees is difficult to determine. There may be instances, especially in rural areas, where masters did not charge a fee before coming into contact with the project. Another aspect is the relation between traditional apprentices (who have to pay a fee) and project supported apprentices (which get benefits). Earlier reports (evaluation OICG) reported about jealousy because the projects create “two classes” of apprentices, but the teams did not learn about arising conflicts. A critical element is the selection of trainees: who benefits and who does not? In the case of YOWDAST, the criteria for selection was diffuse, some people have benefited that would not fall under the category of “poor”.
The teams could not detect any unexpected impacts in case of projects where the majority of beneficiaries were female.
As said before, tool kits and equipment provide an incentive to enrol in a VT programme. In Liberia, some ex-combatants have enrolled in several schemes in order to get the benefits (example from EU funded projects). The EED funding helped LOIC to offer training to communities so as to balance services to all conflict affected groups.
Efficiency is assessed by using the following criteria:
• Outreach of the project (number persons trained vis-à-vis demand) • Costs for training one person • Cost benefit (costs in relation to project effectiveness) According to the pre-study information, the direct partners of EED (except VTF supported VTI) have trained 5809 persons. The outreach per institution or project is higher for apprenticeship schemes and non-formal training programmes as the duration of the training is shorter (up to one year) compared to formal TVET (2 – 4 years).
Berufsbildung | Evaluierung The table below shows the costs of training per trainee per annum. The information is not complete as no reliable data was available from LOIC. The data of VTF supported VTI can not be directly used for comparison as the costs do not include teacher’s salaries23.
* including all administrative costs ** including teachers’ salaries, consumable training materials and other direct programme costs (exposure trips, organisation of seminars etc.) To assess efficiency, it helps to compare costs with TVET programmes in other parts of Africa
and the World:
• According to other evaluations conducted by the author in East Africa costs range from 150 € (public TVET centres) to 300 € (NGO) per annum • According to international studies the average costs of training per trainee p.a. range from 216€ (Mali) to 500€ (Cote D’Ivoire) • On average 60 - 80% of the costs of centre based training are staff salaries • Vocational training is at least double as expensive as academic education The total costs of training of the EED partners are generally on the higher side, compared to actors elsewhere. The direct costs of the EED supported apprenticeship schemes reach about half to two third of the costs of formal, centre based training. If one deducts the costs for post training support (which the training centres hardly provide), the apprenticeship schemes are (potentially) more efficient.
All programmes, across the models and countries, have high costs for infrastructure (buildings, automobiles) and relatively high administrative costs. These costs constitute a substantial portion of the budget. The percentage of administrative and investment costs to direct training costs ranges from 60% (OICG) to 40% (MTS)25.
An estimation was made on the assumption that 2/3 of the costs are salaries.
Please note: it is assumed that the calculation base for direct costs of training vary from partner to partner.
No figures available for SLOIC and LOIC.
The other significant factor is the number of persons trained and graduated per annum vis-àvis the programme costs. While administrative costs remain the same, the number of trainees is fluctuating, as are the costs per trainee. In several cases the number of students/ trainees has been declining in the past years while costs have been increasing. This actually means that, for most studies partners, efficiency is declining.
VTIs have students 9 months a year, about 6 hours a day and 3 months break. During afternoons and the long breaks, facilities are not utilised.
The cost-benefit-analysis compares unit costs and effectiveness. The table below is an attempt to compare the two aspects.
According to this calculation, it costs two to four times to graduate one student in a formal TVET institution compared to an apprenticeship scheme. No cost comparison was possible between formal and non-formal training. The employment rates of the three approaches do not differ significantly but non-formal training and apprenticeship schemes show a slightly higher effectiveness.
The findings of this study do not support the thesis that long term, formal TVET programmes provide their graduates with better labour market opportunities. The main reason is the lack of employment opportunities in the formal industrial sector in most locations visited.
Apprenticeship schemes and non-formal vocational training in the context of West African labour markets may have a higher “direct” cost benefit than long term formal TVET programmes, provided that the training offered is responsive to local market demands.
Berufsbildung | Evaluierung 4 Summary of conclusions
4.1 Comparative analysis of the three VT approaches Initially it was thought that the six case studies can be clustered into three distinctive vocational skills development approaches.
• Formal centre based training of long duration
• Non-formal skills development
• Apprenticeship schemes
In reality it was found that approaches overlap. Examples:
• SLOIC is situated between formal and non-formal VT, as it has formal entry requirements for some courses and not for others and the certification is accredited
• MTS implements a concept of formal vocational education but the certification is not accredited